atmarcella
06-27-2008, 02:41
from anonymous.
EXPERIENTIAL BITTERNESS UNDER THE IMPERIAL MANILA
I. INTRODUCTION
While writing this piece there was the initial temptation to make this scholarly with
graphs, legalese and historical tidbits. But that was deliberately resisted because
Federalism is already appealing to the Mindanao intellectuals. We need not sound like
some pundits to campaign for Federalism because the idea is plainly advantageous to
provincial interest. What Federalism requires is mass appeal. It needs something to
arouse the interests of many who find intellectualis m as a boring profundity, cold
circuitry or a dose of dialectics, aside from being plain “hard work”.
Profundity and hard work are alienating the masses from the Federalism cause.
Federalism is not really that hard and difficult. The simple reason why we make
Federalism our proposition is simply the bad experience we have under the present
system of government.
The mathematics of Federalism is simply this: Plus for the provinces is minus for the
Manila government. What we get for the states we take is from Central Manila. In the
long run this deduction and addition will add up and multiply greatly for the benefit of
the whole country. But first we need to state what our people feel under the present
system. Samplings of pluses and minuses are what are written in this piece. Oversimplicati on
and aggravation is intended to make this mass appealing, if not incendiary.
II. The Brief Bitter-Sweet Story
Growth and development of the provinces in the Philippines depends on the style and
character of the Manila leadership. The style and character affects directly the provinces
because the present political structure and systems allow it to be so. There is no barrier
or cushion for the smile or frown of a Manilan in making others parts of the country sad
or happy. So far the experience has always been sweet for Manila but bitter for the
provinces. Really good for Manila but not so good for Luzon provinces, bad for Visayas
and worse for Mindanao.
The Marcosian Rule was so far the scariest and ugliest experience. It was a deterioration
of the Philippine democracy at its worst: Centralization in dictatorial form! The locus of
growth depends on the interest of the Marcoses. Ilocandia and Leyte became starts in the
growth race. The rest of the country barely survived in the oppression.
The Cory government was yellow. It raised bright expectations but plead with
frustrations. Power and interest used to be centralized around Marcos, were shifted back
to the elite around Cory. For Marcos Mindanao was the fertile ground for springing up
martial law. For Cory it was a blackhole to stuck profits for Manila based businesses.
Ramos leveled the playing field. The un-equal fight under the same rule. The poverty and
labor of the Third World versus the power and technology of the tandem EU and USA
are equal in a globalizing economy. Tyson versus Pacquiao in a boxing mis- match of the
century. Mindanao is an equal partner in a system favoring Manila.
The ERAPan period was comic. The form was unchanged but the character did. It was
funny that the systems could be played and scored around POGI (person opinion and
gambling interests) points. Manila or Mindanao is not the real concern. It was the pogi
Erap that matters. It was like having a child for a king and the Cabinet focused on
pleasing the child-king with lollipops. The lollipops were bought out of provincial
jueteng and masiao hawl.
Government is sweet when it serves best. Our present system is sweet only for Manilans
but bitter for Mindanaoans. Probably, for us here in the south nothing has really changed
in relation to central Manila government. A twisted kind of “bottom- up and trickledown”
is the practice. This means that resources from Mindanao go up but the attention
of Manila leadership merely trickles down. They get our resources but trickled us with
promises. Among the practices which drained Mindanao or place the provinces at
disadvantage are:
1) Money for Manila; 2)The Torture in Having to Please Manilans; 3) Unnecessary
and Damaging Delay; 4) Remote-transparency and Front-
Accountability; 5) Detached-Involvement; 6) Centralized Authority, Not
People Empowerment; 7) Consequent Dependency Than Depended On.
1. THE MANILA –BOUND MONEY
We know that governments, business and churches are Manila-based. A portion of any
amount we pay to buy for any item goes to Manila. A deposit in the bank goes to the
bank owner in Manila. An offering in the church goes to the church leaders in Manila.
Everything goes to Manila.
Because our money is in Manila, our beautiful women go to Manila, our brilliant men go
to Manila, and our best products go to Manila. We are left with less money, the less
beautiful, and the less brilliant and have factory defects or rejects for our consumption.
One glaring example of this one-way traffic flow of money to Manila is the travel cost of
our local leaders in business and government.
a. The Cost of Local Executives’ Travel
Let me start with a conservative but experientially valid assumption: 50 of the 78
provincial governors, 50 of the 80 city mayors and 100 of the 1500 municipal
mayors travel to Metro-Manila at lest ones a month. Their business may range
from the personal to the official which in reality and practice are naturally and
inextricably mixed.
For every travel a governor and a city mayor will spend an average of not less
than 25T a month or for 100 governors and city mayors a total of at least P2.5M a
month or P30M a year. A municipal mayor will spend not less than P15T a
month per travel or P15M a month for 1000 mayors or P180M a year. In other
words, at the most conservative estimate these local executives will incur a total
of P210M for official business in Central Manila.
b. The Cost of Line Agencies’ Travel
There are 12 government agencies with provincial offices or their equivalent.
Each of the provincial offices has probably more than 2 officers who travel ones a
month to Manila. For a conservative assumption the travel costs of 2 officers for
12 agencies in 75 provinces will be about P216M for one year. For regional
offices the travel costs will be about P90M for a minimum of 5 officers who
travel monthly for each region. Or a total of about P300M annually for both
provincial and regional offices.
c. The Costs of Personal Travel for Businessmen
Again at a very conservative estimate we will place at 100 business people having
official business in the central government offices of Manila for every province.
These 100 businessmen travel to Manila at lest ones a month. At an average
travel expense of P20T per businessman the total costs will be about P2B.
d. Implications
The total cost of travel for the government and business executives will be about
P2.5B a year. Equated with the cost of road construction at P1M per kilometer
the amount could mean 2,500 km of new roads annually or at P20T per hectare it
could mean 125,000 hectares of reforested land or 250,000 hectares of riceland at
P10T per hectare.
Annually our local leaders will take P2.5 billion to Metro-Manila for travelling
costs alone. This means that they drain each of the 78 provinces with development
funds worth more than P30M yearly. The IRA share given under the present
Local government Code is almost meaningless when compared with this forced
bleeding of local resources.
2. THE TORTURE OF PLEASING MANILANS
Mindanaoans suffer a roller-coaster of emotions in an efforts to access funds, get
attention or promotions from Manila leaders.
One very sad story was that of a young beautiful wife who went to Manila to follow up at
PAG-IBIG the benefits of her dead husband. She stayed with a friend to follow up the
endless requirements. The costs of her follow up exceeded what she finally got. She was
even impregnated by a married man who helped her in her efforts. She came home totally
without money but with a fatherless baby. Credit it to her stupidity or the helplessness in
being a stranger in a strange concrete jungle.
When a Manilan comes to the province he or she is treated as a prince or princess. If he
is a dissatisfied with the attention given, woe to the provinciano or provinciana who will
someday inescapably visit Manila for official business.
Manilans go to the provinces with orders, memos or forms for more work. Provincianos
will come to Manila with gifts and greetings. Otherwise he or she will come home empty.
News from Manila on the updates of some requests could end the provincianos high or
reeling in tidal of emotions. In a moment bursting in white-like bubbles of excitement
then seconds later crushed with a ton- load of bad news. Often the waiting is unnecessary
and damaging.
3. UN-NECESSARY AND DAMAGING DELAY
The provinces are made to plan and set targets. We are made to commit to the people for
some projects. But Manilans approve or disapprove our plans, targets and commitments.
The damage is not only on our honor; the damage is most often real, quantifiable and
tangible. Season for planting are not met, specifications and budget fall short, frustrations
transformed into insurgency or rebellion.
Most often the reason for delay is the failure to meet the SOP. The disapproval based on
belonging to the wrong party. Or misplaced or lost of document which could not be found
in the long trail from the province to Manila.
Centralization pile up documents on documents. The voluminous load is often made the
excuse for the delay. And always only the rule of “kuot” or “oil” can work through the
loads of work. But why do they refuse to unclog by decentralizing, by federalism?
Because it would mean that opportunity for juicy transactions will be reduced or
decentralized.
For Manilans the delay is bearable with the opportunity. For Mindanaoans the delay is
both un-bearable and lost of opportunity. Consequently we have intoxicating urbanization
and massive rural poverty.
4. REMOTE-TRANSPARENCY AND FRONT-ACCOUNTABILITY
Having a federal system will have real transparency. The approving authority will be
within the range of vision of the people. Under the present system Manila is clouded by
remoteness. Accountability is reposed in the provincial leaders who will have to suffer
and lie to protect the image of Manila leaders. The provinces are the front in the
bureaucratic lie emanating from Manila. Maybe, Manila or the provinces are liars all and
small or big they are still. But why not break lies with state separation, check the lies
with federalism?
5. DETACHED INVOLVEMENT
One very sad experience of the people from the island provinces was the deprivation of
the opportunity to become a hero. The making of People Power 1 and 2 was not the
monopoly of Manilans. But our archipelagic republic make it seem a heroism of
Manilans because our people’s involvement cannot be made direct by the separation of
the islands. Leaders of Manila have easier task of making a name compared to the leaders
of the provinces who will have to depend on the appointing authority of Manila leaders.
Consultation has limitations. One foreign funded project conducted a nation-wide
consultations to be able to package poverty needs and make it attractive for the donors or
lenders of development funds. But after they get the money most of the projects approved
and funded are those in the Luzon provinces because the consultants and officers of the
Project are relatives or have connections with people of Luzon and Manila. The poorer
areas of southern Philippines are used to attract investors but the investments are
delivered to the northern parts because of connections. Mindanaoans are involved in the
consultations but are detached in the implementation . Conscious efforts to correct this
leaning cannot prevail against the un-conscious and natural tendency to favor places of
birth or origin.
6. CENTRALIZED AUTHORITY, NOT PEOPLE EMPOWERMENT
Realization of people empowerment goals is restrained by the present centralized system.
The local government code was one step towards people empowerment. The next step
should be federalism. Certainly no one in his right mind will think federalism as a barrier
to people empowerment. But this correct view is often clouded by cupidity of the Manila
leaders who do not want to delegate authority and share opportunities with state leaders.
7. CONSEQUENT DEPENDENCY THAN DEPENDED-ON
The obvious and logical consequence of centralization is dependency. Rather than
depended on with a sense of ones own direction and vision, the planning is directed, the
goals become predetermined and often they served the interests of the North than its own.
We become producers of what they want than what we want, we become their workers
than our workers. In politics we are simply voters, not leaders.
The irony of this dependency id that Mindanao has the resources to be independent. Only
the sense that fragmentation into smaller countries is a backward move makes
independence and separation undesirable. The normal way is for countries to expand not
contract. But if we are to preserve our integrity as a nation we must preserve it with
dependable and federated states.
II. CONCLUSION
To physically reverse the flow from the North to the South is almost impossible and unrealistic.
If it is attainable, it will not be correcting the situation but committing the same
mistake in a reverse fashion. The South will then be guilty of what the North is
committing. Besides we will need the power, the population size, the quality, the beauty,
the brilliance and the resources of New York or any bigger city than Metro-Manila to
reverse the situation, reversed the flow of money from Manila to Mindanao.
But the present drain of resources, capital and talents from Mindanao to Manila or from
the Philippines abroad can be minimized or managed. Knowing what to do is easy but
Federalism is against the immediate political and economic interest of Manila leaders
except Manilans who have greater and long term interest for the Philippines.
EXPERIENTIAL BITTERNESS UNDER THE IMPERIAL MANILA
I. INTRODUCTION
While writing this piece there was the initial temptation to make this scholarly with
graphs, legalese and historical tidbits. But that was deliberately resisted because
Federalism is already appealing to the Mindanao intellectuals. We need not sound like
some pundits to campaign for Federalism because the idea is plainly advantageous to
provincial interest. What Federalism requires is mass appeal. It needs something to
arouse the interests of many who find intellectualis m as a boring profundity, cold
circuitry or a dose of dialectics, aside from being plain “hard work”.
Profundity and hard work are alienating the masses from the Federalism cause.
Federalism is not really that hard and difficult. The simple reason why we make
Federalism our proposition is simply the bad experience we have under the present
system of government.
The mathematics of Federalism is simply this: Plus for the provinces is minus for the
Manila government. What we get for the states we take is from Central Manila. In the
long run this deduction and addition will add up and multiply greatly for the benefit of
the whole country. But first we need to state what our people feel under the present
system. Samplings of pluses and minuses are what are written in this piece. Oversimplicati on
and aggravation is intended to make this mass appealing, if not incendiary.
II. The Brief Bitter-Sweet Story
Growth and development of the provinces in the Philippines depends on the style and
character of the Manila leadership. The style and character affects directly the provinces
because the present political structure and systems allow it to be so. There is no barrier
or cushion for the smile or frown of a Manilan in making others parts of the country sad
or happy. So far the experience has always been sweet for Manila but bitter for the
provinces. Really good for Manila but not so good for Luzon provinces, bad for Visayas
and worse for Mindanao.
The Marcosian Rule was so far the scariest and ugliest experience. It was a deterioration
of the Philippine democracy at its worst: Centralization in dictatorial form! The locus of
growth depends on the interest of the Marcoses. Ilocandia and Leyte became starts in the
growth race. The rest of the country barely survived in the oppression.
The Cory government was yellow. It raised bright expectations but plead with
frustrations. Power and interest used to be centralized around Marcos, were shifted back
to the elite around Cory. For Marcos Mindanao was the fertile ground for springing up
martial law. For Cory it was a blackhole to stuck profits for Manila based businesses.
Ramos leveled the playing field. The un-equal fight under the same rule. The poverty and
labor of the Third World versus the power and technology of the tandem EU and USA
are equal in a globalizing economy. Tyson versus Pacquiao in a boxing mis- match of the
century. Mindanao is an equal partner in a system favoring Manila.
The ERAPan period was comic. The form was unchanged but the character did. It was
funny that the systems could be played and scored around POGI (person opinion and
gambling interests) points. Manila or Mindanao is not the real concern. It was the pogi
Erap that matters. It was like having a child for a king and the Cabinet focused on
pleasing the child-king with lollipops. The lollipops were bought out of provincial
jueteng and masiao hawl.
Government is sweet when it serves best. Our present system is sweet only for Manilans
but bitter for Mindanaoans. Probably, for us here in the south nothing has really changed
in relation to central Manila government. A twisted kind of “bottom- up and trickledown”
is the practice. This means that resources from Mindanao go up but the attention
of Manila leadership merely trickles down. They get our resources but trickled us with
promises. Among the practices which drained Mindanao or place the provinces at
disadvantage are:
1) Money for Manila; 2)The Torture in Having to Please Manilans; 3) Unnecessary
and Damaging Delay; 4) Remote-transparency and Front-
Accountability; 5) Detached-Involvement; 6) Centralized Authority, Not
People Empowerment; 7) Consequent Dependency Than Depended On.
1. THE MANILA –BOUND MONEY
We know that governments, business and churches are Manila-based. A portion of any
amount we pay to buy for any item goes to Manila. A deposit in the bank goes to the
bank owner in Manila. An offering in the church goes to the church leaders in Manila.
Everything goes to Manila.
Because our money is in Manila, our beautiful women go to Manila, our brilliant men go
to Manila, and our best products go to Manila. We are left with less money, the less
beautiful, and the less brilliant and have factory defects or rejects for our consumption.
One glaring example of this one-way traffic flow of money to Manila is the travel cost of
our local leaders in business and government.
a. The Cost of Local Executives’ Travel
Let me start with a conservative but experientially valid assumption: 50 of the 78
provincial governors, 50 of the 80 city mayors and 100 of the 1500 municipal
mayors travel to Metro-Manila at lest ones a month. Their business may range
from the personal to the official which in reality and practice are naturally and
inextricably mixed.
For every travel a governor and a city mayor will spend an average of not less
than 25T a month or for 100 governors and city mayors a total of at least P2.5M a
month or P30M a year. A municipal mayor will spend not less than P15T a
month per travel or P15M a month for 1000 mayors or P180M a year. In other
words, at the most conservative estimate these local executives will incur a total
of P210M for official business in Central Manila.
b. The Cost of Line Agencies’ Travel
There are 12 government agencies with provincial offices or their equivalent.
Each of the provincial offices has probably more than 2 officers who travel ones a
month to Manila. For a conservative assumption the travel costs of 2 officers for
12 agencies in 75 provinces will be about P216M for one year. For regional
offices the travel costs will be about P90M for a minimum of 5 officers who
travel monthly for each region. Or a total of about P300M annually for both
provincial and regional offices.
c. The Costs of Personal Travel for Businessmen
Again at a very conservative estimate we will place at 100 business people having
official business in the central government offices of Manila for every province.
These 100 businessmen travel to Manila at lest ones a month. At an average
travel expense of P20T per businessman the total costs will be about P2B.
d. Implications
The total cost of travel for the government and business executives will be about
P2.5B a year. Equated with the cost of road construction at P1M per kilometer
the amount could mean 2,500 km of new roads annually or at P20T per hectare it
could mean 125,000 hectares of reforested land or 250,000 hectares of riceland at
P10T per hectare.
Annually our local leaders will take P2.5 billion to Metro-Manila for travelling
costs alone. This means that they drain each of the 78 provinces with development
funds worth more than P30M yearly. The IRA share given under the present
Local government Code is almost meaningless when compared with this forced
bleeding of local resources.
2. THE TORTURE OF PLEASING MANILANS
Mindanaoans suffer a roller-coaster of emotions in an efforts to access funds, get
attention or promotions from Manila leaders.
One very sad story was that of a young beautiful wife who went to Manila to follow up at
PAG-IBIG the benefits of her dead husband. She stayed with a friend to follow up the
endless requirements. The costs of her follow up exceeded what she finally got. She was
even impregnated by a married man who helped her in her efforts. She came home totally
without money but with a fatherless baby. Credit it to her stupidity or the helplessness in
being a stranger in a strange concrete jungle.
When a Manilan comes to the province he or she is treated as a prince or princess. If he
is a dissatisfied with the attention given, woe to the provinciano or provinciana who will
someday inescapably visit Manila for official business.
Manilans go to the provinces with orders, memos or forms for more work. Provincianos
will come to Manila with gifts and greetings. Otherwise he or she will come home empty.
News from Manila on the updates of some requests could end the provincianos high or
reeling in tidal of emotions. In a moment bursting in white-like bubbles of excitement
then seconds later crushed with a ton- load of bad news. Often the waiting is unnecessary
and damaging.
3. UN-NECESSARY AND DAMAGING DELAY
The provinces are made to plan and set targets. We are made to commit to the people for
some projects. But Manilans approve or disapprove our plans, targets and commitments.
The damage is not only on our honor; the damage is most often real, quantifiable and
tangible. Season for planting are not met, specifications and budget fall short, frustrations
transformed into insurgency or rebellion.
Most often the reason for delay is the failure to meet the SOP. The disapproval based on
belonging to the wrong party. Or misplaced or lost of document which could not be found
in the long trail from the province to Manila.
Centralization pile up documents on documents. The voluminous load is often made the
excuse for the delay. And always only the rule of “kuot” or “oil” can work through the
loads of work. But why do they refuse to unclog by decentralizing, by federalism?
Because it would mean that opportunity for juicy transactions will be reduced or
decentralized.
For Manilans the delay is bearable with the opportunity. For Mindanaoans the delay is
both un-bearable and lost of opportunity. Consequently we have intoxicating urbanization
and massive rural poverty.
4. REMOTE-TRANSPARENCY AND FRONT-ACCOUNTABILITY
Having a federal system will have real transparency. The approving authority will be
within the range of vision of the people. Under the present system Manila is clouded by
remoteness. Accountability is reposed in the provincial leaders who will have to suffer
and lie to protect the image of Manila leaders. The provinces are the front in the
bureaucratic lie emanating from Manila. Maybe, Manila or the provinces are liars all and
small or big they are still. But why not break lies with state separation, check the lies
with federalism?
5. DETACHED INVOLVEMENT
One very sad experience of the people from the island provinces was the deprivation of
the opportunity to become a hero. The making of People Power 1 and 2 was not the
monopoly of Manilans. But our archipelagic republic make it seem a heroism of
Manilans because our people’s involvement cannot be made direct by the separation of
the islands. Leaders of Manila have easier task of making a name compared to the leaders
of the provinces who will have to depend on the appointing authority of Manila leaders.
Consultation has limitations. One foreign funded project conducted a nation-wide
consultations to be able to package poverty needs and make it attractive for the donors or
lenders of development funds. But after they get the money most of the projects approved
and funded are those in the Luzon provinces because the consultants and officers of the
Project are relatives or have connections with people of Luzon and Manila. The poorer
areas of southern Philippines are used to attract investors but the investments are
delivered to the northern parts because of connections. Mindanaoans are involved in the
consultations but are detached in the implementation . Conscious efforts to correct this
leaning cannot prevail against the un-conscious and natural tendency to favor places of
birth or origin.
6. CENTRALIZED AUTHORITY, NOT PEOPLE EMPOWERMENT
Realization of people empowerment goals is restrained by the present centralized system.
The local government code was one step towards people empowerment. The next step
should be federalism. Certainly no one in his right mind will think federalism as a barrier
to people empowerment. But this correct view is often clouded by cupidity of the Manila
leaders who do not want to delegate authority and share opportunities with state leaders.
7. CONSEQUENT DEPENDENCY THAN DEPENDED-ON
The obvious and logical consequence of centralization is dependency. Rather than
depended on with a sense of ones own direction and vision, the planning is directed, the
goals become predetermined and often they served the interests of the North than its own.
We become producers of what they want than what we want, we become their workers
than our workers. In politics we are simply voters, not leaders.
The irony of this dependency id that Mindanao has the resources to be independent. Only
the sense that fragmentation into smaller countries is a backward move makes
independence and separation undesirable. The normal way is for countries to expand not
contract. But if we are to preserve our integrity as a nation we must preserve it with
dependable and federated states.
II. CONCLUSION
To physically reverse the flow from the North to the South is almost impossible and unrealistic.
If it is attainable, it will not be correcting the situation but committing the same
mistake in a reverse fashion. The South will then be guilty of what the North is
committing. Besides we will need the power, the population size, the quality, the beauty,
the brilliance and the resources of New York or any bigger city than Metro-Manila to
reverse the situation, reversed the flow of money from Manila to Mindanao.
But the present drain of resources, capital and talents from Mindanao to Manila or from
the Philippines abroad can be minimized or managed. Knowing what to do is easy but
Federalism is against the immediate political and economic interest of Manila leaders
except Manilans who have greater and long term interest for the Philippines.